<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<feed xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom">
<title>Egyptian and Arab Revolution Scholarship</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/10526/2364" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle>This collection includes papers, presentations, and research findings related to the January 25th Revolution and Arab Spring authored by AUC faculty and students.</subtitle>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/10526/2364</id>
<updated>2013-05-22T19:19:06Z</updated>
<dc:date>2013-05-22T19:19:06Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>Applying shari'a in post-revolutionary Egypt: theory and practice revisited</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/10526/3387" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Mostafa, Mohammed Sameh Mohammed</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/10526/3387</id>
<updated>2013-02-12T16:00:06Z</updated>
<published>2013-02-12T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Applying shari'a in post-revolutionary Egypt: theory and practice revisited
Mostafa, Mohammed Sameh Mohammed
Theoretically, Sharīʿa is meant to be an applicable methodology of jurisprudence that governs the state legal system. Applying Sharīʿa, or calling for its application, is, further, a must for those who believe in its divinity. In the process of democratic transition in Egypt, Islamists proposed applying Sharīʿa, claiming that its mere application provides accurate solutions for the chronic problems Egypt has long been suffering from. However, the obligatory nature of applying Sharīʿa and its positive impact on the community’s total welfare are not absolute paradigms. The conditions of the society in which applying Sharīʿa is proposed should be thoroughly recognized. As with any legal system, attaining the positive outcomes of applying Sharīʿa depends on the extension to which law is dominant in society. And since “law” does not “rule” in Egypt, at least in the formal liberal sense of the term, then neither applying Sharīʿa nor any other methodology would diffuse its underlying ideology. Therefore, this thesis examines the promises and limitations of applying Sharīʿa in post-revolutionary Egypt, on both the theoretical and practical levels, and highlights the major factors that neutralized the rule of law in Egypt so far thereby undermining the claims of applying Sharīʿa today.
</summary>
<dc:date>2013-02-12T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Perception of young people towards political participation in liberal political parties in Egypt post the 25th January Revolution: a qualitative study</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/10526/3380" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Sayed, Moataz</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/10526/3380</id>
<updated>2013-02-06T09:31:18Z</updated>
<published>2013-02-06T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Perception of young people towards political participation in liberal political parties in Egypt post the 25th January Revolution: a qualitative study
Sayed, Moataz
The participation of young people in the January 25th revolution has been remarkable.  A number of studies documented the little political participation of youth in the democratic transition process following the revolution.  This study aims at voicing the views of some of the youth who decided not to participate in political parties post the revolution, despite their strong participation in the revolution.  The study shows that these Egyptian youth are enthusiastic to participate in the political life but refrain to join liberal political parties. Using qualitative research methods of focus group discussions and in-depth interviews, the study documents the barriers young people list to their participation in liberal political parties.  Issues of trust in the political parties systems, concerns about absence of internal democracy, lack of transparency were voiced. Instead, young people note their willingness to continue their participation in the political life using unconventional forms of participation including social media, demonstrations and sit-ins.  Interviewed young people demand liberal political parties to be more transparent, less focused on single political figures, and with clear political platforms and mandates.
</summary>
<dc:date>2013-02-06T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>The impact of mass media uses and gratifications on voters: case of Egypt 2012 presidential elections</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/10526/3353" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Phillips, Nouran Victor</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/10526/3353</id>
<updated>2013-01-28T16:00:06Z</updated>
<published>2013-01-28T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">The impact of mass media uses and gratifications on voters: case of Egypt 2012 presidential elections
Phillips, Nouran Victor
This paper clarifies the role of mass media through the Uses and Gratifications approach during the Egyptian 2012 Presidential Elections campaigns. The main focus of this study aims at studying the role of mass media in shaping Egyptian votersâ   final decision. In addition, how voters used mass media to search for information to follow up the presidential candidatesâ   campaigns by exploring the factors that predisposed voters to make their voting decisions.
In light of Elihu Katz (1959) question â  What do people do with media?â   and Blumler and McQuail (1969) concern about how people used the media to gather information about General Elections in Britain in 1965, they developed the Uses and the Gratifications Theory in order to study the relationship between voters and the media. In addition, in the 21st century, the Uses and Gratification Theory had been recognized as a tool to understand audience behaviors and usage patterns and perceptions from the media. Thus, the theory is used to teach communicators how to communicate better with their target audience. 
Data was collected through self-administered surveys in both languages, English and Arabic. The sample examined is a â  Purposive Sampleâ   including only Egyptian voters who participated in the presidential elections in 2012 whether in round one or round two or both. The sample was chosen according to the votersâ   eligibility of age authorized to voting criteria, geographical residence was limited to Egyptâ  s â  Greater Cairo Cityâ   and interest in media political participation reflected in making actual voting procedure in 2012 Egyptian Presidential Elections. The findings of the study concluded that respondents voted during the 2012 Egyptian Presidential Elections had a great hope in a better future for the country. Respondents who are affiliated to political parties or movements had a greater tendency to be satisfied by political campaigns on different mass media channels. However, Respondents who were party member did not build their perceptions about the candidates from the media.
</summary>
<dc:date>2013-01-28T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Privatization and revolution: a critical reading of the Omar Effendi case</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/10526/3350" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>El Hadidi, Ahmed</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/10526/3350</id>
<updated>2013-01-28T09:56:48Z</updated>
<published>2013-01-27T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Privatization and revolution: a critical reading of the Omar Effendi case
El Hadidi, Ahmed
Privatization is a program first applied in Britain to reform the public sector, mainly to decrease its burden on government spending.  Although many countries have successfully followed suit, such as Brazil, such was not the case in Egypt.  This failure has become even more apparent after the 25 January Revolution in 2011, in the wake of which many Egyptian citizens and workers filed cases against entities responsible for various public sector projects.  One such entity was the Omar Effendi Company, which was purchased by the Saudi Anwal Company in 2008.  In 2010, a case was filed against the buyer before the Administrative Court, claiming that the contract for the sale of Omar Effendi was null and void.  While the Court concurred with this claim, its decision was criticized on several grounds: competence; arbitrability, specially that previous arbitral award regarding the same issue had been handed; and, that the contract imposed illegal obligations on the buyer.  Through a critical reading of the Omar Effendi case materials, including party memoranda and supporting documents, this thesis argues that the Administrative Court judgment was in violation of the law.
</summary>
<dc:date>2013-01-27T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
</feed>
